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Contents:
  1. Falsches Spiel: Roman (German Edition)
  2. House by House, Block by Block: The Rebirth of America's Urban Neighborhoods
  3. House by House, Block by Block: The Rebirth of America's Urban Neighborhoods (Book)
  4. Combining Policy and a Vision to Enable the Rebirth of Struggling Neighborhoods

The spinning orb of Reunion Tower twinkles from the western edge of downtown. The light upward floors of the Omni Dallas Convention Center Hotel merge into a fluorescent splotch. This is the Dallas most associated with the city: opulent, glitzy, a spectacle that promises more than it delivers. This opinion is not new. This opinion of Dallas is, however, dated. And wrong. To its residents, none of these things are top of mind.

Falsches Spiel: Roman (German Edition)

So direct your focus away from the lights and the skyline and its misplaced reputation. Drive right past those downtown lights and into Deep Ellum and East Dallas. Zoom in and see what Dallas has become — and the signs of what it can soon be. Opportunity never left Dallas, even during the recent recession.

House by House, Block by Block: The Rebirth of America's Urban Neighborhoods

The housing market is strong and the cost of living is low compared to a Los Angeles or a New York. In that way, Dallas is the same as ever. Its conventional reliance upon freeways has severely wounded its urban core and fueled the success of a booming gaggle of increasingly distant suburbs, each sporting the byproducts of a growing tax base: strong school districts and the luxury, upscale conveniences that Dallas was once known for.

But Dallas is a young city est. Why is that necessary? Because even though the region surrounding Dallas has been healthy, the city itself is recovering from too much attention paid to the suburbs and not enough to its interior urban areas. It added 1. Dallas proper, however, accounted for less than 1 percent of that growth: It added 7, people, the fewest the city has gained since , notes Patrick Kennedy, an urban planner and designer.

You can have a strong core city with a struggling region. Kennedy and others are working to redefine that foundation, beginning with shifting the public discourse on development and transportation. More walkable neighborhoods and local businesses, fewer high-speed highways and toll roads. Because of efforts like his and the organic revitalization of areas in and around downtown, many neighborhoods are thriving or in the middle of redevelopment. Liberal support of centralized planning and bureaucratic problem solving, without public reference to transcendent religious values, encouraged conservative activists as well as intellectuals to depict liberals as advocates of a philosophy that constituted the essential first step toward communism.

That this phrase, saturated with John C. Yet, even before Brown , the approval of a civil rights plank in the national Democratic convention led to a walkout of many southern delegates led by the then Democratic governor of South Carolina, Strom Thurmond. This was indeed a harbinger of things to come.

House by House, Block by Block: The Rebirth of America's Urban Neighborhoods (Book)

During the s they began a concerted effort to gain control of the Republican party, which was then considerably more liberal. In a local community or on a college campus, it seemed, there was no office too insignificant that did not have a conservative candidate in the race. In this they failed, but never stopped organizing.

In September , some college students, representing campuses across the country, met at William F. Two years later, conservative young Republicans, with the assistance of some very astute older political activists, gained control of the National Republican Youth Committee.

In the conservative movement won control of the Republican party, nominated Barry Goldwater, and, after an exhausting effort, watched in some grief as Lyndon Baines Johnson overwhelmed Goldwater in the November election. They continued to grow locally even as they suffered disappointments at the national level Richard Nixon, in , was again not their top choice , and gave further evidence of creating an alternative institutional culture that reflected their ideas and values.

It was during the s and s that Christian schools, usually formed to avoid desegregation orders, strongly emerged as a conservative option, as did the home schooling movement. The conservative vision that projected the belief that the basic struggle was for the very soul of America also grasped, in the wreckage of the Goldwater campaign, two quite pragmatic lessons. Moreover, seven Republican congressmen were elected from the South where, before the election, there had been no southern Republicans in the House of Representatives. If successful, this would weaken the Democratic party at every level and, simultaneously, complete the transformation of the Republican party by defeating all but a few stragglers from the liberal wing.

This, in turn, set the foundation for a broader conservative reorientation of national political debate. He was less acerbic than Bill Buckley, less rigid than Barry Goldwater, less vitriolic than George Wallace, but Reagan was able to successfully present the core values of the movement to ever wider audiences. Reelected in , he was by then a major presence in the Republican party who, of course, won election to the presidency in In , in a landmark decision known as Roe v.

Wade , the United States Supreme Court legalized abortion. As conservatives recovered from the shock of that decision, their fury at yet another major intrusion by the central state generated a powerful organizing campaign. National organizations rededicated their efforts, new groups appeared, and, in local communities across the nation, individuals gathered with neighbors, friends, and fellow church members to plan public responses. The growing political presence of the church community had been evident for some time, but the reaction to Roe completed a major transition among Fundamentalists in understanding the relation between their faith and political action.


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In a sermon, Reverend Jerry Falwell, pastor of the Thomas Road Baptist Church in Lynchburg, Virginia and a leading Fundamentalist preacher, forcefully preached that Fundamentalists must reform their traditional separatist attitude toward the world. Ironically, as Falwell substantially aided in the creation of Reagan Democrats, he did so in the soaring tones of an evangelical tradition that Charles Grandison Finney had used to oppose slavery in the s and which, more recently, had been the core of the belief system that propelled the southern Civil Rights movement.

The Congress became Republican, and the conservative beliefs of congressional Republicans intensified dramatically. How did liberalism, apparently reigning supreme in , falter so profoundly before the growth of this conservative movement? The elections of and also came under scrutiny, and many felt that a mistake here, a lack of focus there, might have produced quite different results. But I offer this as a start. Upon this foundation FDR constructed an electoral coalition of social groups with disparate, even antagonistic, interests.

America's blighted inner cities enjoyed a renaissance in the s, with crime rates plummeting and employment, real estate values and population all rising for the first time in decades. The credit for the turnaround, according to this absorbing study of urban revitalization, belongs to local community organizations, whose David vs. Goliath fight against red-lining banks and insurance companies, all-devouring real-estate developments and neglectful city halls helped preserve and revitalize their neighborhoods.

Von Hoffman, an academic and the author of Local Attachments: The Making of an American Neighborhood, studies urban disaster areas such as the South Bronx, where housing activists helped transform burned-out ruins into flourishing neighborhoods, and South Central Los Angeles, where an influx of hard-working, entrepreneurial Latino immigrants built a vibrant working-class community after the riots. His is a somewhat conservative brand of urbanism, favoring "the power of capitalism" over vast urban renewal schemes that, he says, often destroy the character of the areas they're meant to revitalize.

Hope for cities, he argues, lies not in glitzy stadiums and civic centers or giant public-housing projects, but in smaller-scale public-private partnerships, subsidies and tax incentives that encourage local landlords and mom-and-pop businesses, the motor of inner-city revitalization. Urban development policy is a labyrinth of heavily acronymed programs, regulations, community groups and government agencies, but von Hoffman's lucid narrative, with its colorful activists, Machiavellian politicians and inspiring struggles, brings this potentially mind-numbing subject to life.

This book deserves to be read by everyone concerned with the fate of America's cities. Copyright Reed Business Information, Inc.

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Combining Policy and a Vision to Enable the Rebirth of Struggling Neighborhoods

Brand new Book. In House by House, Block by Block, Alexander von Hoffman tells the remarkable stories of how local activists and community groups helped turn these areas around. The unlikely heroes include: the tough-talking Bronx priest whomade apartment buildings for low-income people glisten in the midst of ruins and despair; the "crazy white man" who scrambled to save Chicago's historic Black Metropolis from the wrecking ball; the Boston cops who built a task force that put the brakes on youth gangs.

Detroit. Move here. Move the world.

Thanks to locally-based, bootstrapefforts like these, in inner-city neighborhoods across the country, crime rates are falling, real estate values are rising, and businesses are returning.